With no oil or natural gas reserves of its own, Japan has long depended on the Middle East for its energy needs.  Ninety percent of the country’s oil passes through the Strait of Hormuz, so stability in the region is crucial to Japan’s economic well-being.  At the same time, Japan is dependent on its military alliance with the United States for its national security.  Maintaining the balance between energy needs and national security is the key to Japanese policy in the region, says Mr. Mitsugu Saito, former minister in the Embassy of Japan in the United Arab Emirates.   Speaking at the Weatherhead East Asian Institute on Tuesday, February 12, Mr. Saito traced the history of Japanese foreign policy in the Middle East and explained the country’s position in the current debate over Iranian nuclear development. The event was cosponsored by the Center on Japanese Economy and Business. Due in large part to the country’s devastation during WWII, the Japanese public have maintained a strong antipathy towards military involvement overseas in the post-war era.  This public attitude and constitutional restrictions on Japanese military involvement abroad have limited the country’s participation in world affairs.  In particular, Japanese officials long ignored Middle Eastern affairs, but turbulent events in the 1970s posed a significant challenge.  During the oil shock of 1973, the Japanese government announced a pro-Arab position in order to secure much-needed energy supplies.  Following the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, Japanese companies continued to do business with Iranian oil companies despite criticism from the US for being “insensitive” to the hostage crisis.  During this period, the need to secure oil supplies for a growing economy was the main goal of Japanese policy in the region. Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990 proved to be the turning point in Japan’s involvement in the Middle East.  Under the country’s U.S.-written post-war constitution, Japan was barred from sending combat troops to the region.  Instead, the country donated $9 billion in assistance to the U.S.-led coalition to liberate Kuwait.  Japanese political leaders expected world leaders to appreciate their financial contribution, so they were surprised when Japan was criticized for its tendency to write checks instead of providing military support.  Since that time, the Japanese government has taken small steps to support U.S. military activities abroad, first by sending minesweepers to the region and then by sending peacekeeping troops to Cambodia in 1992. As the country became more active in world affairs, Japanese officials began to participate in the Middle East peace process on the coattails of U.S. policy.  Japanese officials have moved to improve relations with Israel and hope to contribute to peace in the region.  Japan is now the third largest donor of foreign aid to the Palestinians, and Japanese leaders have increased their visits to the region in order to build relationships with local leaders.  Japan is unlikely to play a major role in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, but it hopes to play a supporting role in creating a climate of cooperation. A true test of Japanese diplomatic skills will be the looming confrontation between the United States. and Iran over Iranian nuclear development.  Although Japan imports 10 of its oil from Iran, the Japanese government strongly supports the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.  In addition, clandestine cooperation between Iran and North Korea adds to Japan’s concern over Iranian motives.  If the crisis between the United States and Iran comes to a head, Japan may be forced to choose between a major oil supplier and its military ally.  That is a choice which Japanese diplomats and government leaders are hoping to avoid at all costs.